Red herrings and reasonable fear of imminent harm

By April Eberhardt Editor

The Spokane 3 verdict raises questions that extend far beyond the actions of the defendants. Any serious analysis must also examine the conduct of federal agents, how federal authority was exercised, and whether the government’s actions warrant the same level of scrutiny being applied to the protesters.

Broader civic discourse about lawful protest, civil disobedience, and the exercise of federal power needs to be prioritized. Criminalizing protest and dissent can become a red herring when it diverts attention from a more fundamental question: Are those exercising government power abiding by the constitutional standards they are sworn to uphold?

At the center of this case is a larger debate about government accountability, constitutional rights, and the limits of federal authority. What is the public’s role when there are allegations of federal overreach, particularly (in this case) in immigration enforcement? What happens when the republic believes government power is being exercised in ways that violate constitutional principles?

Federal law, 18 U.S.C. § 242 recognizes that government officials acting under color of law may not willfully deprive people of their constitutional rights. That principle is central to understanding why this case matters beyond Spokane.

America has a long history of federal actions that were legal in form but unethical and problematic in practice. COINTELPRO remains one of the most prominent examples. Federal agencies used surveillance, infiltration, and disruption tactics against civil rights organizations, Black liberation movements, anti-war activists, and others challenging existing power structures. Those actions were carried out under governmental authority, even while undermining democratic values.

History repeatedly demonstrates that legality and justice are not always synonymous. Enforcement of the law can become enforcement of compliance when tactics are employed that do not promote public safety or protect civil liberties.

According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, the ACLU, and the American Immigration Council, concerns regarding ICE enforcement have included allegations of indiscriminate arrests, abandonment of prosecutorial discretion, warrantless entries into homes, denial of access to legal counsel, and detention of individuals with pending claims for immigration relief. These organizations argue that such practices raise serious constitutional and human rights concerns involving due process, equal protection, family separation, and protection against unreasonable searches and seizures.

Critics contend that when enforcement actions disregard established legal safeguards, they create fear, uncertainty, and distrust within targeted immigrant communities. This climate has been described by many advocates as a form of civil terror. Whether one agrees with that characterization or not, public trust in government depends not only on what government does, but how it does it.

If federal agents perpetuate human and civil rights violations against immigrants, the resulting fear is not imagined. It may be viewed as a foreseeable response to the threat of physical force and uncertainty regarding legal protections. A reasonable fear of imminent harm can arise when government power is exercised against vulnerable communities in ways perceived as excessive, unpredictable, or discriminatory.

In a constitutional democracy, public safety is a shared obligation. The onus does not rest solely on protesters. It also rests on federal officials entrusted with enforcing the law.

From a de jure perspective (authority by law) the federal government acted within its legal authority by bringing charges against Archer, Forral, and Mavalwalla. Federal prosecutors argued that the defendants conspired to impede officers in the performance of their duties. Under the law, the government possesses the authority to investigate, prosecute, and seek punishment for conduct it believes violates federal statutes.

From a de facto perspective (authority in practice) the case raises broader questions about how power is exercised. Critics point to concerns surrounding immigration enforcement tactics, the scope of federal authority, the treatment of immigrant communities, and the role of protest in a democratic society, particularly when safety is not perceived and imminent harm is sensed by words and deeds.

Viewed this way, the Spokane 3 verdict reflects an enduring democratic tension between what the government has the legal power to do and whether the exercise of that power is perceived as legitimate, just, and consistent with the values the Constitution was designed to protect.

Federal officials are bound by laws, ethical standards, and codes of conduct and are not automatically immune from criminal prosecution. When acting unlawfully, they may face criminal liability for offenses such as corruption, bribery, obstruction of justice, civil rights violations, and fraud. While immunity doctrines and procedural protections may complicate accountability, they do not provide blanket protection from investigation or prosecution.

Rule 29 and the Question of Reasonable Fear

As the case moves through the appeals process, a Rule 29 motion asks whether the evidence presented at trial was legally sufficient to support a conviction. The issue is not whether the jury believed the government’s case, but whether a rational jury could find every element of the offense proven beyond a reasonable doubt.

That inquiry raises broader questions. Under the language of the law, would a reasonable person witnessing what the defense alleges was an unlawful detention, particularly amid concerns about militarized immigration enforcement, perceive an imminent threat of harm or constitutional violations? Were the defendants acting with criminal intent, or out of a perceived need to protect others?

Conspiracy laws are designed to prevent coordinated harm before violence escalates. But when allegations arise that government actions themselves contributed to escalating tensions, the distinction between protest, civil disobedience, and criminal conduct becomes increasingly complex.

It is within this legal and constitutional tension that the Spokane 3 case resides.

Accountability is not a one-way street. Government authority carries with it a responsibility to protect the public, uphold constitutional rights, and exercise power lawfully and ethically.